Sunday, 9 February 2014

Everyone loves a map but where did they come from?


An introduction to Scottish maps and map making

Most good journeys start with a map1, but first we should consider where the maps came from and what limits there are to using them to interpret the landscape of today.
This introduction should not be considered as exhaustive or definitive but consider it a source of discussion, enlightenment or an entertaining distraction.
Early Maps
The earliest2 map of Scotland is from a book called Geography by the polymath Claudius Ptolemy (c. AD 90 – c. AD 168) who was a Greek-Roman citizen of Egypt. His book discusses the geographic knowledge of the Greco-Roman world. Unfortunately there are no surviving contemporary copies of the book and the map illustrated here is from a 17th century copy (Illustration 1).

Illustration 1: The Ptolemy map is the earliest known depiction of Scotland in a map.




The main thing is that it is recognisable as what we would consider to be a map. Although not great on detail or accuracy compared to the maps of today, he showed great skill in tackling the problem of projecting the curved world on to a flat surface. This attempt at portraying the world with a degree of geographical accuracy was not continued in the coming years.
Medieval maps.
Early maps were the creation in varying degrees of tradesmen as well as craftsmen, and of artists as much as scientific surveyors. Medieval land surveying was concerned primarily with written rather than graphic description and with valuation rather than exact measurement3. Compare the work of Ptoleomy with those of much later and you will see a more unscientific representation of the world (Illustration 2).




Illustration 2: World map c1265. This map is one of the most important surviving examples of 13th-century map-making. Jerusalem is in the centre of the map, and the whole world is looked upon by Christ who is attended by angels. This shows that medieval people looked at geography in relation to the Bible and to earth’s creation by God. But the map also shows an interest in local places: you can see the British Isles, and the rivers Thames and Severn. London is marked with a gold dot. The map was not intended, like a modern atlas, to guide someone in their travels, but to show important places in an overall prospect. http://www.bl.uk/learning/timeline/item99816.html





One of the most realistic maps of the medieval period was by a Saint Albans monk called Matthew Paris c1250, he has the basic shape of Britain correct but with Scotland shown as an island (Illustration 3). He was perhaps the first medieval mapmaker to try to portray the actual physical appearance of the country rather than just represent the relationship between places in simple diagrams.

Illustration 3: Matthew Paris map of Britain, c.1250 Copyright © The British Library Board




By 1560 the Italians had made quite a recognisable map of Scotland (Illustration 4).


Illustration 4: Italian Map of Scotland 1560





County maps.
With one or two exceptions, there are no separate maps of the regions of Britain before Elizabethan times but from Elizabethan to mid Victorian times the county was always the basic unit of regional mapping4. The county maps have there own set of problems when they are used as an aid to historical detection. J B Harley states:
'County maps can seldom (if ever) be regarded as a definitive or completely up to date record of topography for the time of their production.'5.
The cost of the survey would have to be borne by interested parties such as the gentry and this, plus the interests of the surveyor, could influence what got included in the map and what got left out.
Since the maps of the time were often a commercial venture, there was a bias towards well populated areas which were mapped more often and in more detail than remoter areas. In fact the act of surveying and map making was an expensive business and many of the map makers ran into financial difficulties. This can lead to difficulties with dating maps of this period since it was cheaper to re-engrave an earlier map with little or no resurveying done but give the publishing date not the surveying date.
However, the county maps produced by private surveyors between 1760 and 1840 are the most detailed maps of rural areas of Scotland up until the end of the 19th century6.
County maps showed perhaps for the last time, a degree of artistry (Illustration 5) and ornamentation that is not present in the maps produced today. These county maps have now found a new use as an object of art and are often seen hanging on the wall of many a country pub.


Illustration 5: William Forrest Map of Haddingtonshire 1799




Uniformity and Precision
Accurate surveying of the country required systems of very large triangles, called triangulation networks. In trigonometry and geometry, triangulation is the process of determining the location of a point by measuring angles to it from known points at either end of a fixed baseline, rather than measuring distances to the point directly. A mesh of triangles at the largest appropriate scale is established first. Points inside the triangles can all then be accurately located with reference to it.
Britain could not have a complete accurate survey of the country without a full triangulation and the cost of this could not be provided for by private subscribers, but would need to be funded by the government.
The need for uniform, accurate maps, of the whole kingdom related everywhere to one national triangulated framework, was brought into sharp focus by the seemingly unconnected events of the Jacobite Rebellion of the 1700s.
Dukes and military maps
The battle of Culloden in April 1746 highlighted the need for accurate maps. The best map available at the time was of a scale of 1 inch to 13.5 miles or 1:855360, which was too small for the detail needed by military commanders7.
Lieutenant Colonel David Watson put forward the proposal for a survey to the Duke of Cumberland who gained authority for it from his father George II. The King was keen to provide any assistance with the pacification of the highlands.
The responsibility for the military survey of Scotland was delegated to William Roy and was completed by 1755. Roy then promoted the idea of a complete triangulation of Britain as a basis for more accurate mapping.
Roy died in 1790 and it took the Duke of Richmond to champion the cause of the complete triangulation. The Duke was the Master General of His Majesty's Ordnance and it was he who initiated the Trigonometrical Survey which was later to become known as the Ordnance Survey. Ordnance is the department responsible for military stores and equipment, hence the rather odd title of the British National Survey Organisation8.

Ordnance Survey
The primary triangulation of Scotland started in 1814 but it wasn't until 1859 that most of the Scottish lowlands were complete. Although the initial mapping of England and Wales had been undertaken at the one-inch scale,the growing need for detailed maps for land valuation, registration and conveyancing, agricultural improvement, mineral development, railways, together with the facts of urban expansion, lent advantage to the more detailed mapping at 24" to 26" to the mile scales. However, the successful mapping of Ireland at the six-inch scale had lead to the decision to follow this in the 1840s in Lancashire, Yorkshire, and Scotland9.
However accurate maps might be in trigonometrical terms, they were valueless as records of property ownership and guides to taxation without agreed names. Where a place may have more than one name or many spellings, the surveyors would consult an authority in the local populous. The 'Authority' of an individual usually followed a class or professional hierarchy. Here is an example of the detailed advice given to surveyors regarding authority and names:
'For the name of a house, farm, park or wood, or other part of an estate the owner is the best authority. For names generally the following are the best individual authorities and should be taken in the order given: Owners of property; estate agents; clergymen, postmasters and schoolmasters, if they have been some time in the district; rate collectors; borough and county surveyors; gentlemen residing in the district; Local Government Board Orders; local histories; good directories. Respectable inhabitants of some position should be consulted. Small farmers and cottagers are not to be depended on, even for the names of the places they occupy, especially as to the spelling. But a well-educated and independent occupier is, of course, a good authority'10.
Map Production
The six-inch maps of Scotland were engraved on special hammered copper, 1/10th inch thick and measuring 26.5 by 38.5 inches in extent. After scoring the sheet lines and marking the position of trigonometrical stations with fine dots, the plates were covered with wax, the outlines copied from tracings, and then cut into the plate in reverse using a graver or burin. Map engraving was a highly specialised process, and took a long time with high quality results. In time the engravers became the highest paid branch of the Survey.
A copper plate could only make about 500 impressions before re-engraving or copying by electrotyping was required.
Ordnance Survey Today
The laborious task of re-triangulating Britain was undertaken in the mid 20th century using a new set of triangulation pillars and up to date theodolites. However this technology was responsible for laying down a firm foundation on which to build a more accurate map of Britain it was made redundant with the revolution in map making that came with digital age.
The modern Ordnance Survey map is produced by state-of-the-art satellite technology and theodolite 'total stations' with lasers to measure distances. The national network of around 100 base stations constantly transmit their GPS-observed positions to a central processing hub11. The survey control network of 'trig' pillars was accurate to 20 metres over the entire length of Great Britain. Today the receivers that make up the OS Net network are coordinated to an accuracy of just 3 mm over the same area12.
Information gathered by ground staff is complemented by an intensive programme of aerial photography which is viewed in 3D.The resulting high-definition images, which show detail as sharp as the pattern of road markings, can then be overlaid with existing map data to check where features have changed so that instant updates can be recorded.
The new information from both ground and air surveys is added to the OS MasterMap database. The result is a definitive digital picture of Britain’s geography and the largest database of its kind anywhere in the world, made up of almost half a billion features.
So now we have the most accurate maps ever produced, and this introduction may read simply as a history of improvements in accuracy over time, ending up with present day maps that are best of all. However, does this mean that the more accurate maps are 'better' maps? Perhaps for certain uses they indeed are but they don't tell us as much about the landscape of the past and the peoples relationship to it, as the old maps do. However what they do provide is an accurate (for today's standard) baseline from which to measure changes in the future or perhaps they will be dismissed by the people of the future as artistic but sort of infantile compared to the wonders of the future.

References


1All of the maps come from the National Library of Scotland unless otherwise stated.
2http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-scotland-15008220
3Harley,J. B., 1972. Maps for the Local Historian. ISBN 719908345: page 6.
4Harley,J. B., 1972. Maps for the Local Historian. ISBN 719908345: page 67.
5Harley,J. B., 1972. Maps for the Local Historian. ISBN 719908345: page 72.
7 Dickinson, G. B., 1969. Maps and Air Photographs. ISBN 71315425x, Page 4.
8Dickinson, G. B., 1969. Maps and Air Photographs. ISBN 71315425x,Page 45.
9Fleet, C. and Withers, C.,Ordnance Survey Maps - Six-inch 1st edition, Scotland, 1843-1882: A Scottish paper landscape. National Library of Scotland.(http://maps.nls.uk/os/6inch/os_info1.html).
10Seymour, W A (ed.) 1980.A history of the Ordnance Survey, Page 180.

Sunday, 2 February 2014

Prehistoric burials of the East Lothian coast

Prehistoric Burials
Scotland’s prehistory stretched for some 9500 years from the earliest settlers to around AD 1000. There was some written history during the last thousand years of that period, but so little that it was effectively still a prehistoric era, and we rely upon archaeology to provide details of how people treated their dead. I should note at this point that these are not the normal everyday people but people whose remains for some reason were treated in an exceptional way; in a way that provides us archaeological evidence. The majority of the people are not archaeologically visible. Their remains used in a way that rendered their decomposition complete. We will only be concerned here with the sites that have left physical evidence.
So let us now go in search of what remains of the prehistoric burials of the coast of East Lothian.
Barrows: Ancient burial mounds.
The earliest formal burials in Scotland that we know about, and which involved any kind of grave structure, took place after about 4000 BC. These took the form of a chambered tomb which were often constructed form large stones or as was the case in lowland Scotland, timber, turf and earthi. Into these tombs would be placed the decomposed and disarticulated remains of the deceased. The chambered tomb was then covered with a mound of earth or a stone cairn. The later mounds were often round in shape but the earliest were long and rectangular. Evidence for such long barrows in our area of interest can be found (Table 1) near Luffness Mains (NE47 NE5) (illustration 1)and Aberlady (NT47 NE1).


RCAHMS SITE NUMBER LOCATION OF FIND SITE TYPE
NT47NW 1 Aberlady Parish  BARROW(S), CIST, LONG CIST(S) 
NT47NE 1 Aberlady, St Mary's Chapel  BURIAL GROUND, CHAPEL, CIST(S), CROSS SLAB 
NT48SE 1.01 Luffness House  CIST(S) 
NT48SE 4 Luffness House  CIST 
NT48NE 1 Gullane Links  CAIRN(S) 
NT48SE 21 Gullane Sands  CINERARY URN, MOULD (CLAY)
NT48NE 6 Gullane Links  LONG CIST
NT48SE 19 Gullane Golf Course  LONG CIST(S) 
NT48SE 24 Gala Law  CINERARY URN
NT48SE 53 Gala Law  BURIAL 
NT48SE 5 Kilspindie Golf Course  CIST(S) 
NT47NW 7 Longniddry Golf Course  CIST(S), BEAKER, CINERARY URN(S) 
NT48SE 14 Park Hills (West Fenton) CIST 
NT58NW 6 West Links (not far from the Eel Burn) CIST(S), CINERARY URN(S) 
NT77NW 16 Broxmouth (Dunbar) BURIAL(S), CIST(S)

Table 1: Prehistoric burials of the East Lothian coast




Illustration 1: Luffness Mains: RCAHMS Aerial Photography Digital Oblique aerial view of the cropmarks of the settlement and barrows, taken from the E. DP070181 Copyright RCAHMSImage


However, these sites have not been explored in any detail. For a well excavated site we have to go to Eweford near Dunbar, which was thoroughly excavated and revealed evidence of burial practice relating to this time period. Archaeological excavations were carried out between 2001 and 2004, in preparation for the upgrading of the A1 to dual carriageway between Haddington and Dunbar. At Eweford they found evidence that suggested people started to bring human remains to the site about six thousand years ago. Here they built and rebuilt a large mound and capped it with a stone cairn. Their funereal practices also involved the construction of a timber enclosure and successive mortuary structures; mortuary enclosures are considered to have been used for the exposure of human remains prior to secondary burial. These wooden constructions were eventually destroyed by fireii.
The long barrows are also considered to have had some sort of territorial symbolism; perhaps signifying that the area adjacent to the barrow is owned by the group whose ancestors are entombed insideiii. The burial mounds are very prone to erosion by the elements and stone cairns have often vanished due to the stone being robbed out for another purpose. The mounds that were in the fertile land of East Lothian are vulnerable to damage by ploughing; often it is just aerial photography that reveals where they once were.
On the other hand, the act of ploughing has revealed to us hidden graves, especially the stone lined box grave we know as a 'cist' and it is to this form of burial that we now turn.

Cists
The cist burial can be separated into two distinct types: the short cist and the long cist. The one main thing that they have in common is that they are basically a hole lined with stone slabs, into which was put human remains and sometimes artefacts. The trend towards placing remains in cists started in the late third millennium BC. The earliest form was the short cist, which was used for the burial of single, multiple, articulated, cremated and mixed cremated remainsiv. The Bronze Age short cist does not tend to have grave-goodsv but some have been found to contain cinerary urns (for it was at this time that the use of cinerary urns was being adopted in Scotlandvi) into which the cremated remains would be placed and then inhumed in the cist. Usually only the remains of one person would be placed in the urn but sometimes there would be two or more. However, at one site near Dunbar the remains of at least 21 individuals were found in one massive cist that dates to the Iron Agevii. What is not known is whether these people died at the same time or were they kept aside until a specific person died and their remains would join the first?
The next phase of cist burial was the long cist. This was as the name suggests, a full length stone lined burial. These graves appear more frequently in the archaeological record from the first few centuries AD onwardsviii.
Cist burials are the most numerous of prehistoric burial types that are found in the Luffness and surrounding area and we should now take a look at the cist burials that have been recorded.

Coastal Cists
We can see from the excavations and finds that have been recorded that the coastal plain of East Lothian has numerous prehistoric inhumations of the short cist type. All along the coast from Dunbar to Longniddry, on the elevated spots of Kingston common (NT58SW 152) and around North Berwick Law (NT58SE 13) can be found short cist burials. In fact the site at Kingston has evidence of burials spanning the Neolithic to the early second millennium ADix.
If we move down the coast a little from North Berwick onto the West Links,there is an area near the Eel Burn (NT58NW 6) where Bronze Age cists were found. A total of twenty three cists, three of which had urns. Human bones without cists were also found at the burn side.
There is no evidence of burials from the Eel Burn to Marine Villa but a little further along the coast there is another site that was popular for cist burials in the Iron Age (NT48NE 1). The site was visited in 1902 and the investigatorsx found bones protruding from the dunes and the remains of small cairns. Some of the cairns had cists underneath them (illustration 2).


Illustration 2: One of the cists was described as being of a different type from the others and had a 'circular flattish mound of sand and stones, about two yards in diameter and one and a half feet high.' This grave contained the well preserved skeletons of three adults.Proc Soc Antiq Scot May 12 1902. Page 654- 658






This site in 1902 was around 200m South of Eyebroughy, in a windswept valley between two sand dunes. In 1962 the cairns had vanished, believed to have been covered in wind blown sand. However, they were rediscovered (NT48NE 1) forty years later when the cairns became visible again. This just goes to show you the changing nature of this wind blown landscape.
Now we continue along the coast to the other side of Gullane where we find Gullane Golf Club. Here in 1968 there was discovered the site of a long cist cemetery (NT48SE 19).It is described thus:
'A group of long cists was discovered on the 26th December 1968 during the removal of sand on Gullane No 3 Golf Course. Four adult graves, each containing a well-preserved skeleton, aligned roughly ENE-WSW, were arranged in a row side by side, about 2ft 9 ins apart, and a fifth cist, 2ft 3 ins long, containing the inhumation of a baby, lay to the N. An exploratory trench to the W of these cists revealed the capstones of a sixth long cist, which was not fully excavated. The total number of cists at this site is unknown, but the fact that at least a second row of graves exists suggests that there is a well organised cemetery. There is no record of a chapel. Following the excavation, the cists were left intact, and covered over with sand and turf.'
It seems that the land under what is now the sacred turf of many a championship links course, once provided the community with a hallowed site to conceal the remains of their dead; or to put it another way – we have gone from burials to bunkers!
The Gullane burials could well have been visible from the vantage point of Gala Law, which is a place that has drawn people to it over the ages. Here was also found evidence of burial activity. Finds here have included several pieces of cinerary urn (NT48SE 24) which were found in 1880 and in April 1984 (NT48SE 53) two incomplete male skeletons were found by some children playing by the erosion face of a sandy bank. However, inspection of the site revealed no traces of a cist or pit, nor were there any artefacts.
Further down the hill we find the site (NT48SE 1.01) of the supposed Viking graves; these we discussed in the previous chapter. These were not the only graves found at Luffness as another skeleton was found in a long cist in a field between the house and the Avenue (NT48SE 4)though no claims are made about its origin. A little further inland at (NT48SE 14) Park Hills near West Fenton a cist was discovered in December 1943 when ploughing a field. This cist was about 1m deep and 50cm wide and contained the inhumation of a child, accompanied by a beaker. The beaker was thought to be from the Early Bronze Age.xi
The practice of placing of beakers into graves is thought to have arrived from Scandinavia with the so called 'Beaker People' who it is suggested introduced metal working to Britain 4000 years ago. Beakers were fancy pots for drink or food. Another example from a cist containing a child's grave was found at Thornton at Innerwickxii. It is thought to date from sometime between 2300 and 1800 BC. We can only surmise at the reasons why beakers were placed in graves.
I can't find any evidence for burials in the Nature Reserve area but I suppose that this isn't surprising given the changing nature of this landscape. Once over the Peffer Burn this all changes, as the coast from Aberlady to Longniddry was once a very popular place for burial. It was (NT47NW 1) described in 1792xiii as having:
'…...a great many stone graves, all of them that have been opened containing human bones; particularly in Gosford Links, they are laid almost as thick as in a churchyard; many of them lie nearly south and north.'
The orientation of these graves indicates that they were Pagan due to the fact that Christian graves are usually orientated east west. The author also described the presence of two large tumuli close to the graves.
This abundance of ancient burials continues into the area that is now home to Longniddry golf course and into the private gardens of the residents of Longniddry (NT47NW 6, 7, 10, 13, 14, 39). Excavations at Longniddry have unearthed at least forty different cist burials. The largest of these was in the garden of a house called Four Windsxiv, where a cemetery was found containing at least twenty seven graves. It is likely that the cemetery was in use from the first half of the fifth to the beginning of the eighth century AD. This time span shows a continuity of use into the Christian period and I wonder if it ceased perhaps when they moved to a burial site close to a chapel?

Continuity and conclusion

One of the most captivating elements of this subject is the continuity that can be found at different sites. A site such as the burial mound at Eweford was intermittently used for thousands of years; remaining significant throughout many different burial practices and belief systems. Archaeologists found evidence that when the mound at Eweford was two thousand years old, people started digging pits around the base of the mound and depositing burnt human remains in them. This practice is thought to have continued for about six hundred years. Then later generations covered these pits with stone cairns and into the cairn material they incorporated bone and other artefacts. A later generation then started removing stones from the cairn so that they could create hollows into which they placed human remains. By the time this was happening the mound was an ancient monument which had been the focus point for ceremony for millennia. It was to this site that the people came in 700 BC to start a new phase; they cut into the mound and placed a cist to hold the remains of a funeral pyre. Evidence for similar activity was found at a site close by called Pencraig Hill. This was the site of an ancient mortuary into which the people inserted a cist precisely in relation to the earlier monument, which had been built and burned a millennia earlierxv.
However, the enthusiasm for such burials did not continue into subsequent generations. Burials in the Christian period moved into the churchyard in what was becoming the medieval world. Therefore, we must end our tour through the burial sites of time and place, even though we have just scratched the surface of this fascinating subject.

References


iHistoric Scotland Leaflet: Prehistoric Burials, 2011
iiThe Lands of Ancient Lothian, O. Lelong and G. MacGregor 2008. ISBN13: 978 0903903 417: Page xxi
iiiThe countryside Encyclopaedia. R. Muir. 1988. ISBN. 0-333-43621-0:)Page 118
ivThe Lands of Ancient Lothian, O. Lelong and G. MacGregor 2008. ISBN13: 978 0903903 417: Page 230
vThe Lands of Ancient Lothian, O. Lelong and G. MacGregor 2008. ISBN13: 978 0903903 417: Page 110
viHistoric Scotland Leaflet: Prehistoric Burials, 2011
viiBrothwell and Powers, D R and R (1967) 'A massive cist with multiple Burials of Iron Age date, Lochend, Dunbar, Part II:The Iron Age people of Dunbar', Proc Soc Antiq Scot, vol.98
viii Historic Scotland Leaflet: Prehistoric Burials, 2011
ix SAIR34Two prehistoric short-cists and an early medieval long-cist cemetery with dug graves on Kingston Common, North Berwick, East Lothian by Ian Suddaby: http://www.sair.org.uk/sair34/
xJ T Richardson and J S Richardson Proc Soc Antiq Scot May 12 1902. Page 654- 658
xi http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/catalogue/adsdata/arch-352-1/dissemination/pdf/vol_078/78_106_119.pdf
xii http://nms.scran.ac.uk/database/record.php?usi=000-100-035-072-C&scache=2f0361o2ki&searchdb=scra
xiii Roy, N (1792) 'Topographical description of the parish of Aberlady', Archaeol Scot, vol.1 Page 517
xiv Long cist burials at Four Winds, Longniddry,East Lothian: Magnar Dalland, Proc SocAntiq Scot, 122 (1992), 197-206

xv The Lands of Ancient Lothian, O. Lelong and G. MacGregor 2008. ISBN13: 978 0903903 417: Pages 115 - 124

Tuesday, 28 January 2014

Luffness: Chapter 7

Medieval Luffness: Part Two

The Rough Wooing

Let us start this section with a 'Rough Guide' to Rough Wooing.
James V was succeed in 1542 by his infant daughter, Mary (1542-67). Henry VIII of England sought, the marriage of Mary to his young son, who later become Edward VI. Edward was the last Tudor child and his marriage to Mary would secure the Scottish crown and isolate the French from alliance with Scotland. This marriage would also stop a Catholic Stewart claim on the English throne if the Tudor line was to die out. It was agreed in the treatise of Greenwich in July 1543i that Mary would be betrothed before she was 10 and thereafter brought up in England. The Scottish Parliament in December 1543 rejected this and. Henry resorted to military pressure. He began a series of bloody raids into Scotland, which became known as the 'Rough Wooing'. These only drove the Scots into a closer alliance with France. Henry VIII died in January 1547 and was succeeded by his son Edward VI. Edward was still a young boy and therefore his uncle Edward Seymour, 1st duke of Somerset(c. 1500–52) was made Lord Protector of England during the the King's minority.
Somerset pursued the claim that Mary would marry Edward and this pursuit of alliance saw the English and Scottish armies meeting at the Battle of Pinkie Cleugh on September 10th 1547. Somerset led the English to victory in the last major battle between England and Scotland. This was the first time in Britain that gunpowder weapons proved decisive in the outcome of a battle; it was also the first time that artillery, infantry, cavalry and naval support had combined in an actionii.

Haddington
The English could not consolidate their victory at Pinkie and retreated. However, in the spring of 1548 they returned to Scotland with an army under Lord Grey of Wilton, Governor of Berwick. The English seized strong points in southern Scotland and began a very expensive scheme of building fortifications through out the south from which they could control the area. As part of this tactic they took the strategic town of Haddington and immediately fortified it.
We should remember that this would have been a horrific period of time to live in the south of Scotland with the English and assured Scots terrorising the area. Evidence of this campaign of intimidation can be found in the letters that were sent between Grey of Wilton and Somerset. At this time it was thought that the French invasion was imminent and Grey of Wilton was destroying any place that could prove useful to them; as he reported to Somerset on June 4th 1548 iii:
'....minding this night to destroy some places which might serve the Frenchmen on their coming...'iv.
On the 9th Grey wrote to Somerset to report the destruction that was being carried out along the coast from Musselburgh:
'As we left Muskulborough unburnt when Dalkeith was taken, I sent thither Francis Aslaby on the 7th, who burned the town and mills, and all the fisher villages near the sea, leaving untouched only the church upon the hill, driving also many beasts, to the utter ruin of that country'v.
It was probably at this time that Luffness castle was slighted.

Aberlady: The Port of Haddington
At this point the English were able to resupply the fort at Haddington from the port at Aberlady. Thomas Fisher the Secretary to Somerset gave instructions for the English ships in the Firth of Forth to intercept ships in the Firth of Forth and to bring food or provisions to the port at Aberladyvi. This was obviously happening as Grey of Wilton reported to Somerset that they were:
'...bringing victuals from Aberlady, biscuits and faggots on horseback..'vii.
Therefore if the English were able to resupply from Aberlady then it must have meant that Luffness castle was either in their possession and protecting their landings or that it had already been put out of action and could form no threat to them. I think the latter is probably the case. However, Luffness castle was soon to see a new period of occupation and building work but this time it would be by the French.

The French and fort building
The Scots turned to their old ally France to counteract the English aggression. The French king, Henri II, demanded various strongholds including Dunbar, in return for sending troops. This was agreed at the Treaty of Haddington in 1548. It was agreed that the infant Mary would be sent to France to marry the Dauphin. Up to 10 000 French troops landed at Leith and a garrison of French took over Dunbarviii.
Central to the French military campaign was the strengthening of existining Scottish strongholds and the construction of new ones in an attempt to counteract the effects of Somerset's own fort building policy. The French knew the significance of controling Aberlady Bay and how it could be used to land their ordnance or to hinder supplies to the English at Haddingtonix. They set about fortifying and modernising existing strongholds at Leith, Millhaven, Inchgarvie and the castles at Blackness and Stirling, while constructing new ones at Inveresk, Inchkeith, and Luffnessx. The French commander de Thermes was sent to Luffness castle in 1549 to built fortificationsxi.
When the Franco-Scottish force arrived in Haddington in June 1548 and assembled batteries around the town the English in the fort now faced being besieged. They fought on but were in hostile territory and found it more difficult to resupply the fort. This was partly due to the seige and partly due to what was happening in England and France. War in France and Scotland was draining the finances of England and a rebellion closer to home meant that Somerset the victor of the Battle of Pinkie was removed from his position as Protector; he would eventually be executed. The fort at Haddington held out until September 1549 but with increasing disease and starvation it had to be abandonedxii.
The treaty of Boulogne in 1550 finally saw England and France make peace. The French also insisted that England would cease hostilities in Scotland. The terms for peace between Scotland and England were concluded in the Treaty of Norham in 1551, where England agreed to abandon it's position in Scotlandxiii.
Treaty
The treaties of Boulogne and Norham made England give up her strongholds in Scotland. Now that peace reigned in Scotland (although under a French Kings authority) Henri of France sought to reduce his expenditurexiv.
As part of the cost saving exercise the Privy Council of Scotland proposed that certain forts be demolished Luffness being one of them:
'With a view to “sparing the King's expense in tyme of pece”, the Privy Council proposed that the forts at Inchcolm, Inchgarvie, Broughty(Balgillo), Montrose and Luffness (Aberlady) also be demolished.'xv.
I think it is important that there is no confusion between the term 'castle' and 'fort' so that we do not infer that the Privy Council is suggesting that Luffness castle be demolished. I believe at this point in time it already was in a reduced state. I take the opinion that when they say 'fort' they mean the defensive structures that had been built or strengthened in the recent years. Take for example the other two forts then are mentioned here; Montrose and Broughty. Both of these had castles but Montrose was in ruins in 1488xvi and Broughty didn't fall into decay until the 17th centuryxvii, so they could not be meaning the castles but the forts that had been built near or around them.
Thus the fort at Luffness was proably removed at this time as part of a cost saving exercise.
Some detail of this can be found in a historical report on Aberlady in which the author describes the end of the fort thus:
'In 1552 was ordained by the council that “the said fort of Aberlady [was] to be randerit and deliverit to Patrik Hepburne of Wauchtoun” so that it could be destroyed. The houses and mansion were not to be pulled down, and were instead to remain in Hepburn’s hands in the same manner as his forbears had held the same. Hepburn was charged with delivering the artillery and munitions which were in the fort to Dunbar.'xviii.

Conclusion
I have laid out a story of the medieval castle of Luffness from the begining to it's destruction in the 16th century. This I beleive occurred at some point between 1547 and the 1550s. As a medieval castle it had survived through the main castle building period but it was now a technology which was being surpassed by greater fire power and a new European approach to fort building.
Patrick Hepburn built the present tower house in the late 16th century to reflect the change in circumstances and and fashion in archietecturexix xx.

References

i The Oxford Companion to British History (1 rev ed.), John Cannon
Publisher:Oxford University Press. Published to Oxford Reference: 2009. Current Online Version:2009 eISBN: 97801995676
ii Inventory of Historic Battlefields
http://www.historic-scotland.gov.uk/battleofpinkie.pdf
iii The following letters can be found at: Edward VI: June 1548, Calendar of State Papers, Scotland: volume 1: 1547-63, Joseph Bain (editor), in British History Online, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=43992&strquery=Haddington (accessed 17 June 2013).
iv 236. Grey of Wilton to Somerset. [June 4. 1548.]
v240. Grey of Wilton to Somerset. [June 9. 1548.]
vi262. Memorial for Thomas Fisher. [June 27. 1548.]
vii 251. Grey of Wilton to Somerset. [June 19.]
viii Castle Park, Dunbar: Two Thousand Years On A Fortified Headland, David Perry. Society of Antiquaries Of Scotland Monograph series: Number 16. ISBN 0 903903 14 8. Page 13.
ix 267. Grey of Wilton to Somerset. [June 30. 1548.]
x Mary of Guise in Scotland, 1548 – 1560: A Political Career, Pamela E. Ritchie, 2002, ISBN: 1 86232 184 1. Page 27.
xi http://canmore.rcahms.gov.uk/en/site/55031/details/luffness+house/
xii Mary of Guise in Scotland, 1548 – 1560: A Political Career, Pamela E. Ritchie, 2002, ISBN: 1 86232 184 1. Page 28.
xiii Mary of Guise in Scotland, 1548 – 1560: A Political Career, Pamela E. Ritchie, 2002, ISBN: 1 86232 184 1. Page 59.
xiv Potter (1984). II Documents concerning the Negotiation of the Anglo-French Treaty of March 1550. Camden Fourth Series, 29, pp 58-180. doi:10.1017/S0068690500001392.
xv Register of The Privy Council, I, pp. 90, 119
Quoted in Mary Of Guise in Scotland, 1548-1560, Pamela Ritchie, 2002,: page 39.
ISBN 1 86232 184 1
xvi http://canmore.rcahms.gov.uk/en/site/36242/details/montrose+fort+hill/
xvii http://canmore.rcahms.gov.uk/en/site/33391/details/dundee+broughty+ferry+broughty+castle/
xviii Historical report on Aberlady, Prepared by History Tomorrow (University of Stirling) for CFA Archaeology Ltd
xix http://canmore.rcahms.gov.uk/en/site/55029/details/luffness+house/

xx http://www.britishlistedbuildings.co.uk/sc-6551-luffness-house-with-east-wing-stables-and-

Luffness: Chapter 6

Medieval Luffness: Part One

Introduction
This is the story of Luffness Castle which once stood guard over Aberlady Bay and whose remains now are incorporated into the late 16th century tower house of the same name. The life of the castle spanned the calamitous events that befell Scotland in her stormy relations with England in the middle ages. In fact Scotland's development as a kingdom took place against the background of her relations with her more powerful and populous neighbour, England. Trying to interpret what was going on at this time can be confused by later attempts to provide Scotland with a narrative which would promote a certain view of history. I imagine that time adds poetry to the battlefield but we shall see if we can find any reliable sources to give good foundation to our narrative. I will try to tell the story of its foundation, its role in the wider context, the people who owned it and the stories related to them and how it met its end.
However, although we are now into the historic era the number of reliable sources is still limited with many large gaps. This state of affairs came about due to a lack of care on behalf of past generations and the removal of documents from Scotland into the hands of Edward I and Oliver Cromwell. These records were only ever partially returned. In fact one ship in 1660 called the Elizabeth was returning a cargo of legal records to Scotland when she sunk; the cargo was lost foreveri.

Foundation
To find the origins of Luffness Castle we have to go back almost 900 years to a time when no castle claimed this foreshore of the Forth.
The castle was built in the 11th century by Gospatrick (aka: Cospatrick) the first Earl of Lothian. He was exiled from England by William I in about 1072, but through his relations with Malcolm III of Scotland he was granted most of Lothian. This was in return that he would bring the wild land of Lothian under Malcolm's ruleii. His time as Earl of Lothian came to an end in 1138 when he is believed to have been killed at the battle of the Standard, fought at Cowton Moor, north of Northallertoniii.
Although Gospatrick is credited with the building of the castle, it soon came into the possession of the Lindsay family. This came about when Randolph de Lindsay married Etheldreda, a granddaughter of the first earliv.
The Lindsays arrived in Scotland early in the twelfth century and benefited from King David's introduction of feudalism into Scotland and held territory in Haddingtonshire, Ayrshire and the large barony of Crawford in Lanarkshirev.
In fact the first time we meet anyone using the word Luffness in a title is William de Lindsay, 'Baron of Luffness'. He died in about 1200 and his son David then used the title. David had five children and the title passed to the oldest son who was also called David. However, neither he or his three brothers had any offspring and their sister Alice became the heirvi. She married an English Baron Sir Henry de Pinkeny, Knightvii.
However, William had another son who was also called William but this side of the family do not have 'Luffness' in their titles, but it is through their descendants the the main Scottish line of the Lindsays are bornviii. It is from this line that we come to Sir David de Lindsay who married Margaret de Lindsay.

David the Carmelites and the Crusades
David may not have had the title but his story is one of the most often told in the history of Luffness. The oral tradition is that Sir David de Lindsay was killed on crusade. David met a Carmelite monk who he offered land at Luffness to establish a friary, if he agreed to embalm David's body and return it to Luffness.
An effigy of David dressed as a knight, can be found carved into the top of a tomb, at what remains of the friary in Luffness woods.
This is the version of the story as told to me but I have also heard it told that David met the monk while he was sailing back from the crusade. Other sources can add some dates and details to David's life and death such as Nigel Tranter who tells the story just like it is above but he has David dying in the Holy Land in 1264
'….of fever not of wounds.'ix.
The Oxford Dictionary of National Biography tells us that David was a regent in 1255 and chamberlain the following year, and that he died on crusade in Egypt in 1279x. However, the MacFarlane Clan website has him dying in Egypt on the crusade of Louis IX but in 1268xi and his entry from the Scots Peerage says he joined the Crusade of St. Louis in 1268, and died in Egyptxii.
No where in any of these sources do they mention his body returning from the crusades or the founding of a Carmelite monastery. Even in a book of the Lindsay family history written by one of his ancestors there is no mention of David's body being returned from the crusade; just that he died whilst on crusadexiii.
It does make you wonder why a history of the Lindsay family would not include such an interesting story?
We can also see that there is some disagreement about the date of David's death. I suppose this is to be expected giving the lack of precise dating in the medieval period. If we follow this line of investigation it gives us a good example of the confusion that can surround dates in the different sources. For example, the crusades of Louis IX of France are known to have taken place between 1248 and 1254 for the first one and 1270 for the second. Both of these ended badly for Louis, on the first his army was surrounded in Egypt and he was made a prisoner; the second ended when disease ravaged his knights and caused his own deathxiv.
There is an East Lothian connection with the first of Louis' crusades in that the Scottish contingent was led by Earl Patrick of Dunbar, whose wife founded a hospital of Trinitarian brothers for the 'Redemption of Captives of the Infidel' at Dunbarxv.
With this East Lothian link and the supposition that David died in Egypt it would mean that he must have gone on the first of Louis' crusades because the second only went as far as Tunis. Therefore we can deduce that he must have died no later than 1254.
However, there is a problem with this bit of detective work in that this would be quite anachronistic and would have stopped David being a regent in 1255! It is a tricky thing trying to get reliable dates in medieval Scotland.

The Friary
So having said all that can we find a record of David's gift to the Carmelite monk? We know that a Carmelite friary was established near Luffness Castle but how does this connect with the story of Davidxvi.
Well, not much that I can find except that one of David's sons, who was called William, Lord of Symington, made an arrangement with Newbattle Abbey in 1293, that twenty pound stirling would be paid annually from his estate at Symington to Newbattle Abbey. This was for
'the salvation of his soul and lady Alice, his spouse, and for the soul of Sir David Lindsay, his father, and especially for the soul of Lady Margaret Lindsay, his mother....'.
The document goes on to tell how part of the money should be distributed on the feast day of Saint Andrew which includes
'And the distributors of the said money they may have on that day fifteen shillings for their labour and expenses, and they will feed on the day of the anniversary of Lady Margaret Lindsay, mother of Sir William, from one mark of the twenty pounds, if the brothers should solemnly celebrate for her soul on that day. Otherwise, the said mark should be distributed to other paupers, and on the same day they will feed the Carmelite friars of Luffness with a half mark, if they should solemnly celebrate on that day for the soul of Margaret.”xvii.
Newbattle Abbey seems to have been one of their favourites for they also gave lands in Crawford and Stirling to Newbattle Abbey and freedom from toll in the port of Luffnessxviii.

I think we can conclude that David died whilst on crusade and that his family were in the habit of giving gifts to religious houses, as was the fashion for the nobility of that period. And what of the friars of Luffness? Well, we still don't know their exact origin but we do know they ended up with the effigy of a knight and a good feed at least once a year.

Bickerton's Tomb
Anyone who has spent time in the Aberlady area will know that the remains of the friary are known locally as Bickerton's Tomb. It seems a bit unfair that for all the Lindsay's gifts to the religious establishment the remains are now named after Bickerton. So where does the eponymous Bickerton fit into our story?
To get a good insight into Bickerton's connection with Luffness in the late 13th century we need to go back to the other side of the Lindsay family, where Alice Lindsay heir to Luffness marryied the English Baron, Sir Henry de Pinkeny. This knight's grandson Robert de Pinkeny1 caused a bit of a stir by leaving his belongings to the English king Edward I, even though his brother Henry was the rightful heir. In 1296 the earl of Surrey had to take the lands of Robert of Pinkeny, into the Kings hand, and make inquiry as to his heir; an inquistion was then held at Jedburgh. The details of this inquisition states that
'John of Bickerton held the castle of Luffness and three ploughgates and demesnes of the castle, worth £26 13s. 4d. of the tenement of Ballencrieff in capite of Robert; and 20 marks of the land of Binny in the county of Linlithgow, paying yearly to Robert 6d. Alexander Lindsay held a ploughgate of Robert in two parts of ‘le Cotis’ in the tenement of Ballencrieff, worth £4, paying 1d. as in his charter'.......Henry de Pinkeny, knight, Robert’s brother, is next heir and 30 years of age and more. They append their seals. .Firm dateNovember 1296'xix.
This document describes Bickerton as holding the demesnes (which is a feudal term which basically means the land associated with a manor) in capite of Robert. This is a term in old English law meaning a tenure by which either person or land was held immediately of the king, or of his crown, either by knight-service, agricultural service or payment.
The ploughgate was a measurement of arable land used in the lowlands. It was equal to about 104 Scottish acres. It is thought to be the area that eight oxen were able to plough in one yearxx.
So we can see that by the end of the 13th century Bickerton was farming 416 Scottish acres of Luffness and paying rent to Robert. However it is not for this deed that he is best known but for the dastardly deed of killing James Earl of Douglas.

The role of Bickerton as a villain
The oral tradition has it that when Bickerton held the castle at Luffness he was the armour bearer of James the Earl of Douglas. He left part of the Earls armour undone so that he could stab the Earl in the back during the battle of Otterburn. The Douglas' then exacted their revenge by murdering Bickerton outside the above mentioned Carmelite friary at Luffness. And that is why it is called Bickerton's Tomb. The stone effigy of a Knight being thought to be the eponymous Bickerton.
So, what can we find out about Bickerton's role in the battle of Otterburn?
John of Bickerton is at Luffness in 1296 but there is another 92 years to go before we get to 1388 and the battle of Otterburn. Unfortunately I can't find any references for any Bickertons appearing at Otterburn and apart from the the above version he does not appear in any of the more famous versions of the story. For example this is the most contempory version of the events of Otterburn:
'The Englishmen knew well they had borne one down to the earth, but they wist not who it was; for if they had known that it had been the earl Douglas, they had been thereof so joyful and so proud that the victory had been theirs. Nor also the Scots knew not of that adventure till the end of the battle; for if they had known it, they should have been so sore despaired and discouraged that they would have fled away. Thus as the earl Douglas was felled to the earth, he was stricken into the head with an axe, and another stroke through the thigh: the Englishmen passed forth and took no heed of him: they thought none otherwise but that they had slain a man of arms.'xxi.
In most versions the Earl goes on to give a speech with his dying breath which stirs the almost defeated Scots onto victory.
Nor does he appear in either of the ballads said to be inspired by the battle; Chevy Chase or The Battle of Otterburne
Battle Of Otterbournexxii
20. He belted on his guid braid sword,
And to the field he ran;
But he forgot the helmet good,
That should have kept his brain.


21. When Percy wi the Douglas met,
I wat he was fu fain!
They swakked their swords, till sair they swat,
And the blood ran down like rain.

22. But Percy with his good broad sword,
That could so sharply wound,
Has wounded Douglas on the brow,
Till he fell to the ground.

I think I will leave the last word on the accusation that Bickerton killed Douglas to Sir Walter Scott '
'Indeed it seems to have no foundation, but the common desire of assigning some remote and extraordinary cause for the death of a great man.''xxiii.
Therefore, if the king of romantic Scottish history doesn't think there is any truth in it, then I think that says a lot.

Bickerton goes to battle
However, that is not the end of the Bickertons and Luffness nor indeed their association with the Douglas', for they are found in the battle honours of the battle of Verneuil (1424). In this battle, which was part of the Hundred Years War, Scotland fought on the side of the French. The French were led by the earl of Buchan, recently made constable of France, and Archibald, Earl of Douglas. English archers repeated their success at Agincourt, nine years earlier. Buchan and Douglas were both killedxxiv. Also in the ranks of the dead were four Bickerton's three of who were knights and their coat of arms appear in The Armorial de Berry which was written in 1445. The coat of arms (Illustration 1) is labelled as,
'Bickerton of Luffness'xxv.

Illustration 1: The Bickerton coat of arms: PLATE X. (f° 160 V°) Ceulx de lufenness





Thus we see that the Bickertons still had some connection with Luffness. However, after 1445 the trail goes cold on the Bickertons, except for one reference from Nigel Tranter
'In time the Bickertons managed to buy the property from the Lindsay family. The Bickerton line ended with a daughter, who carried Luffness to to a Hepburn of Waughton. Sir Patrick Hepburn was the present laird of Luffness (1540s) his wife was the last of the Bickertons.'xxvi.
The Hepburns were a large family but I cannot find any evidence that one of them married a Bickerton.

The Hepburns
There is however a different route for Luffness to pass to the Hepburns of Waughton: Alexander Lindsay who was the son of David who died on the crusade in Egypt had a daughter called Beatrice Lindsay and she gave birth to Eleanor Douglas the Countess of Carrick. This was one of the main ways for property to pass from one family to the other and Eleanor was no exception as she married five times. The last of these marriages was to one Sir Patrick Hepburn in 1376xxvii.
The Hepburns seem to have held Luffness right through this final stage of the middle ages and documentary evidence exists in the form of charters:
Sir Patrick Hepburn of Waughton (& later Lufness) (died after February 1464) appears in charters of The Great Seal of Scotland in August 1439, January 1440, October 1450, and 1451 where he is confirmed in Luffness. In The Great Seal of Scotland a charter confirmed at Linlithgow on 2ndAugust 1538, the King confirms upon Sir Patrick Hepburn, junior, of Waughton, and his wife his
'patrimonal lands, mill, manor and barony of Lufness in Haddingtonshire'.
There is also a charter confirmed at Holyrood house on 13th May 1588 in which Sir Patrick is referred to as
..of Lufness and Waughton.
A reconfirmation of Luffness to him appears in a charter of November 1618.xxviii
For those that need more concrete evidence, there is a stone slab set into the floor of the friary which is inscribed with the name Kentigern Hepburn of Waughton, and is thought to date to about 1500xxix.
So let me finish this stroll through the family history by connecting the end with the beginning. Our knight who died in Egypt; sir David de Lindsay, is none other than the nine times great grandfather of the second wife of James Hepburnxxx, 1st Duke of Orkney (c. 1534 – 14 April 1578), better known by his inherited title as 4th Earl of Bothwell. He is best known for becoming the third husband of Mary Queen of Scots after he imprisoned her in Dunbar Castle.
If you think that sounds like a rough wooing, it was nothing compared to the tragic events that took place when her hand was first sought in marriage. In fact our next period has come to be known as the
'Rough Wooing'.
References
1 This is the same Robert de Pinkeny who claimed the Scottish throne in 1291 when it eventually went to John Bailliol.
iThe Oxford Companion to Scottish History, ISBN 0-19-211696-7. Page 311
iiTales and Traditions of Scottish Castles by Nigel Tranter. ISBN-10: 1906476748
iiiAndrew McDonald, ‘Gospatric, first earl of Lothian (d. 1138)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/50323, accessed 4 June 2013]
ivhttp://histfam.familysearch.org/getperson.php?personID=I81817&tree=Nixon
vSonja Cameron, ‘Lindsay family of Barnweill, Crawford, and Glenesk (per. c.1250–c.1400)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/54260, accessed 2 June 2013]
vihttp://histfam.familysearch.org/getperson.php?personID=I81524&tree=Nixon
viihttp://histfam.familysearch.org/getperson.php?personID=I64567&tree=Nixon
viiiSonja Cameron, ‘Lindsay family of Barnweill, Crawford, and Glenesk (per. c.1250–c.1400)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/54260, accessed 2 June 2013]
ixThe Story of Scotland, Nigel Tranter, 1987; ISBN-10: 1897784074
xSonja Cameron, ‘Lindsay family of Barnweill, Crawford, and Glenesk (per. c.1250–c.1400)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004 [http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/54260, accessed 2 June 2013]
xihttp://www.clanmacfarlanegenealogy.info/genealogy/TNGWebsite/getperson.php?personID=I5895&tree=CC
xiihttp://archive.org/stream/scotspeeragefoun03pauluoft/scotspeeragefoun03pauluoft_djvu.txt
xiiiLives of the Lindsays: or, A memoir of the houses of Crawford and Balcarres. By Alexander Crawford Lindsay Crawford (Earl of)1849. (http://books.google.co.uk)
xiv The Atlas of the Crusades, 1991, ISBN 0723003610. Page 96.
xv The Oxford Companion to Scottish History, ISBN 0-19-211696-7. Page 115
xvi http://www.johngraycentre.org/collections/getrecord/ELHER_MEL619
xvii PoMS, H4/20/62 (http://db.poms.ac.uk/record/source/6859/; accessed 05 June 2013)
xviii PoMS, no. 4284 (http://db.poms.ac.uk/record/person/4284/; accessed 05 June 2013)
xix PoMS, H4/38/26 (http://db.poms.ac.uk/record/source/8507/; accessed 24 January 2013)
xx Scotland: The Later Middle Ages, Ranald Nocholson, 1974, ISBN 06-495147-2
xxiFroissart, Jean; translated by John Bourchier, Lord Berners. The Chronicles of Froissart Page 93
Electronic Text Center, University of Virginia Library
http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new2?id=FroChro.sgm&images=images/modeng&data=/texts/english/modeng/parsed&tag=public&part=4&division=div1
xxii http://www.musicanet.org/robokopp/scottish/itfellab.htm
xxiii The Complete Works of Sir Walter Scott: With a biography and his last additions and illustrations: Volume 1, 1883 Page 54.
xxiv A Dictionary of British History (1 rev ed.), John Cannon, Publisher: Oxford University Press, Print Publication Date: 2009, Print ISBN-13: 9780199550371, Published to Oxford Reference: 2009,Current Online Version: 2012
xxv PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY, JANUARY 10, 1938.
THE ARMORIAL DE BERRY. (1445) (SCOTTISH SECTION.)
BY J. STORER CLOUSTON, O.B.E., F.S.A.ScoT.
http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/catalogue/adsdata/arch-352-1/dissemination/pdf/vol_072/72_084_114.pdf
xxvi Marchman by Nigel Tranter Publication Date: 3 July 1997 | ISBN-10: 0340659947 |
xxvii http://histfam.familysearch.org/getperson.php?personID=I8963&tree=Nixon
xxviii Clan Hepburn, HEPBURN of WAUGHTON,By G.M.S.Lauder-Frost, F.S.A.,(Scot).
http://www.electricscotland.com/webclans/htol/hepburn4.html
xxix http://www.johngraycentre.org/collections/getrecord/ELHER_MEL619#sthash.EAc1UZe8.dpuf

xxx http://histfam.familysearch.org/relationship.php?altprimarypersonID=&savedpersonID=I11388&secondpersonID=I10060&maxrels=15&disallowspouses=0&generations=15&tree=Nixon&primarypersonID=I11388